Under attack, Ukraine learned to turn ideas into working tools in days instead of years. The habit of connection — not any single gadget — is the lesson for Europe’s civil society.
by agora AI Hub · 9 July 2026 · 7 min read
In short: Facing an existential war, Ukraine compressed the time it takes to turn an idea into a working tool — from years to days. It did this less through any single invention than through a habit: connecting the people who face a problem directly to the people who can solve it. At Alhambra Venture in Granada, Ukrainian advocate Marta Barandiy argued that Europe should learn this speed. The deeper lesson reaches well beyond weapons — into how any civil society builds resilience under pressure.
§ 01 — what happenedA talk on a red carpet in Granada.
In early July 2026, Alhambra Venture — Spain’s largest gathering of startups and investors, organised each year in Granada by the newspaper IDEAL — devoted part of its programme to defence and “dual-use” technology (tools that serve both civilian and military purposes). On its stage stood Marta Barandiy, a Ukrainian lawyer based in Brussels and the founder of Promote Ukraine, a non-profit that advocates for Ukraine inside the European Union.
Her message was direct. Ukraine, she argued, has shortened its defence-innovation cycle — the time from a battlefield problem to a fielded solution — from years to days. It did so by wiring together four groups that rarely talk to each other in peacetime: soldiers, engineers, companies, and public institutions. Speed, cooperation, and the willingness to adapt were, in her telling, not luxuries but survival tools. And they are, she said, exactly what Europe needs to learn.
At the same event she met Mariana Budjeryn, a nuclear-security scholar at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Security Studies Program (and previously at Harvard’s Belfer Center), whose work traces how Ukraine gave up the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal in the 1990s. Two Ukrainian women — one working on advocacy, the other on the hardest questions of security — on a red carpet beneath a photograph of the Alhambra. A small scene that captured a larger point: the knowledge Ukraine is generating under fire is now being carried into Europe’s rooms of power and study.
This article is not a report of that talk, which we did not attend. It takes Barandiy’s central claim — that pressure plus connection produces speed — and tests it against the public record. The claim holds up. And its most useful part, for readers who will never build a drone, is what it says about how organisations of any kind survive a shock.
§ 02 — backgroundWhat “years to days” actually means.
Most of the world’s militaries buy equipment slowly. A requirement is written, tenders are issued, prototypes are tested, contracts are signed. The cycle can run five to ten years. By the time a tool arrives, the problem it was meant to solve has often changed.
Ukraine could not afford that clock. So it built a different one.
The mechanism is a feedback loop: a fast, repeating circuit between the person with the problem and the person who can fix it. A small company builds a prototype drone and hands it to a front-line unit. Within the same week, operators report what failed — a jammed signal, a weak motor, a blind spot. The company folds those fixes into the next batch. Then it repeats. Analysts who study the system, from the Modern War Institute to War on the Rocks, describe it as arguably the fastest such loop in the world: design changes measured in days or weeks, not years.[1][2]
The results are concrete. In some categories, rapid iteration pushed strike accuracy from roughly 10 percent to 70–80 percent within a single upgrade cycle as engineers responded to real failures rather than imagined ones.[2] When Russian forces changed tactics, Ukrainian teams often adapted faster, producing a countermeasure before the advantage could settle.
None of this was improvised chaos. Ukraine built the plumbing to make connection routine. Brave1, a state-backed defence-technology cluster launched in April 2023, now links more than 1,500 companies to the government and the front.[4] Digital tools such as the Army+ app let soldiers file feedback from a phone. The point is not the individual platforms. It is the principle they encode: shorten the distance between a problem and the people who can act on it, and speed follows.
Speed came from connection — not from any single machine.the through-line of Barandiy’s argument
§ 03 — the wider patternThe same habit built a resilient state.
Here is where the story matters for civil society, and not only for armies. The same reflex — connect people, remove the middle layer, iterate in public — reshaped how Ukraine governs and how ordinary people take part.
Consider Diia, Ukraine’s e-government app (the name means “action”, and also stands for “the state and I”). Launched in 2020, it now serves around 22 million users and offers more than 150 public services and dozens of digital documents on a phone.[5] War did not shut it down; it stretched it. More than a hundred new services were added under fire — from reporting property destroyed by shelling to buying war bonds.[6] In 2024, Diia’s online-marriage feature was named in TIME‘s Best Inventions, and the whole platform was released as open-source software so other countries can build their own.[7][8] A government designed to fit in a pocket kept working when offices could not.
Consider participation as infrastructure. Ukraine’s military situational-awareness system draws in part on eVorog, a chatbot that lets ordinary citizens report enemy movements. Set the military use aside and notice the civic pattern: millions of people wired directly into how a state sees and decides. That is a template many democracies talk about and few actually build.
Consider resilience through decentralisation. When Russia targeted the power grid — Ukraine temporarily lost around nine gigawatts of generating capacity across coordinated strikes in 2024 — the response was not only to rebuild big plants but to spread generation out: solar, batteries, and small local units that are harder to destroy because there is no single point to hit.[10][11] A distributed system survives shocks that a centralised one cannot — an engineering fact with an obvious lesson for institutions and organisations, too.
Ukraine cut its innovation cycle from years to days — and Europe must learn that speed.Marta Barandiy · Alhambra Venture, Granada · July 2026
§ 04 — the honest caveatsWhy a clean story deserves doubt.
A story this tidy deserves scepticism, and the strongest version of the counter-argument is worth stating plainly.
War is not a development strategy.
It is a catastrophe. To admire the speed Ukraine achieved is not to romanticise the conditions that forced it — mass death, occupation, and destruction that will take a generation to repair. Any lesson drawn here must hold both truths at once.
Not everything transfers.
Existential threat is a motivator no peacetime organisation can, or should, reproduce. Some of Ukraine’s speed came from suspending the normal checks — procurement rules, safety reviews, oversight — that exist for good reasons. Copying the speed without the guardrails would be reckless. The transferable part is the design: short feedback loops, direct connection, distributed systems. Not the desperation that produced them.
Beware survivorship bias.
We hear about the tools that worked. We hear less about the many that failed, the money wasted, and the coordination that broke down. Independent analysts caution that Ukraine’s “innovation loop” is still uneven and hard to sustain — a culture in places, not yet a finished system.[3] Honesty about the failures is part of what makes the successes credible.
Dual-use cuts both ways.
The same connected, fast-iterating systems that defend a democracy can, in other hands, be turned on citizens. Speed is a neutral force. What it serves depends on the values and the oversight around it — which is precisely why civil society, not only engineers, needs a seat at the table.
§ 05 — why it mattersFour lessons for Europe’s civil society.
Strip away the drones and the front line, and Barandiy’s argument lands on familiar ground for any non-profit, campaign, or community organisation working with too little money and too little time.
The real product is connection, not the tool.
Ukraine’s advantage was never a single gadget. It was the decision to put the person with the problem and the person with the skill in the same conversation, and to keep them there. Most organisations do the opposite: they separate the people who face an issue from the people who design the response, and lose weeks to the gap between them. The cheapest resilience upgrade available to most teams is not new software. It is a shorter loop.
Small, fast, and many beats big, slow, and singular.
Four million cheap drones outperformed a smaller number of expensive ones because the system could learn faster. For a civil-society organisation, the parallel is running many small experiments, learning in public, and improving weekly — rather than betting a year’s budget on one grand plan that cannot adapt.
Distributed survives; centralised breaks.
A network of trained people across many organisations is harder to disrupt than a single flagship project. This is also, plainly, the case for a hub rather than a lone institution — capability spread across a community, not concentrated in one building.
AI belongs to this story as a tool of resilience, not hype.
Ukraine has used artificial intelligence for unglamorous, high-stakes work: prioritising which fields to clear of mines, assessing which buildings can be saved, sorting a flood of citizen reports.[12] This is the opposite of AI-as-marketing-trend. It is technology aimed at survival and reconstruction — the register in which civil society should be learning to use it, too.
Opinion · where agora stands
Democracy is built together — and faster when it’s connected.
Barandiy’s talk names, from the battlefield, the thing we believe from the civic side: democracy is not automatic — it is built together, and it is built faster when the people who build it are connected. The lesson we take is not about weapons. It is that a network of prepared, connected people is the most resilient structure a society can have, in war and in peace alike.
That conviction is why agora is built as a hub rather than a course catalogue: to shorten the distance between the people who face democratic pressure — advocates, organisers, displaced communities, small non-profits — and the skills, tools, and each other that let them respond in days instead of years. Ukraine had to learn this under fire. The rest of Europe still has the chance to learn it on purpose.
Sources
- Modern War Institute at West Point — “From Culture to System: … Ukraine’s Counterdrone Innovation.” mwi.westpoint.edu
- War on the Rocks — “Inside Ukraine’s Battlefield Innovation Loop.” warontherocks.com
- Karve International — “The Defence Innovation Cycle in Ukraine.” karveinternational.com
- Brave1 — Ukrainian defence-tech cluster (official). brave1.gov.ua
- Digital State / Ministry of Digital Transformation — Diia. digitalstate.gov.ua
- Ukraine.ua — “Diia: the catalyst of Ukraine’s e-governance revolution.” ukraine.ua
- TIME — Best Inventions of 2024. time.com
- AIN — “Diia is now open source.” en.ain.ua
- Delta (situational awareness system) — eVorog citizen reporting. en.wikipedia.org
- International Energy Agency — “Ukraine’s energy system under attack.” iea.org
- Atlantic Council — “A decentralized power grid can help Ukraine survive.” atlanticcouncil.org
- TIME — “How AI Is Helping Ukraine Clear Landmines.” time.com
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